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NN42, June 2009

A Safari Towards Aid Effectiveness?

A Critical Perspective on the Paris Declaration on Aid Effectiveness in the Context of Socialist Asian Countries

By Nguyen Van Phu and Sarah Hénon, Aide et Action Southeast Asia

Email: sarah.henon@aea-sea.org and phu.nguyen@aea-sea.org

Keywords
Paris Declaration; Asia

Summary
Using the example of Aide et Action?s work in socialist Asian countries, this article asks what the position of an NGO should be - vis-à-vis the Paris Declaration and Accra Agenda for Action - when government ownership does not equate with country ownership.




As an international non government organization (NGO), Aide et Action seeks to build strong partnerships with the governments of the socialist countries where it works, especially at provincial and commune levels. This partnership approach provides legitimacy to an NGO?s work, and is also coherent with the Paris Declaration?s principles of alignment and ownership. In the socialist countries of Vietnam, China and Laos, collaboration with the government is often unavoidable for an NGO. Within these partnerships, Aide et Action?s role is that of facilitator and mediator. Aide et Action choose to collaborate with local structures and resources as a strategy to increase the effectiveness and sustainability of its projects. Rather than bringing in experts, emphasis is placed on building local skills, connecting key actors and structures, and increasing the efficiency of their collaboration.

But such NGO-government partnerships are not free from difficulties and contradictions.

Today, most northern aid organizations, including Aide et Action, follow a global strategy of fostering democratization. In Vietnam, NGOs remain somewhat problematic as opposition to the state is a central concern. Self-censorship by NGOs is frequent. The media, whose official role is to promote the Communist Party, often downplays the activities of NGOs, affecting their visibility and policy leverage. Most ordinary citizens do not understand the concept of a NGO. In China for example, Aide et Action?s communication work is often devoid of an open advocacy component.

In Vietnam, pressure from citizens to expand the scope of participation is increasing. Yet the Vietnamese Government still maintains a high level of ownership on the policy-making process. It exerts pressure on NGOs to align with national policies, a principle also predicated by the Paris Declaration on Aid Effectiveness. However, national priorities are not defined through participatory, grassroots processes. The Vietnam Socio-Economic Development Plan 2006-2010, for example, should be clearer in its promotion of a Vietnamese culture inclusive of the various ethnic groups. So what should be the position of an NGO when government ownership does not equate with country ownership? For example, how can Aide et Action promote the principle of accountability to citizens in a socialist country? How can NGOs support the development of new spaces for collaboration and consultation?

In the first place, it is critical for international NGOs to profoundly understand the management and incentive structures framing the local authorities, and community stakeholders? work. For example, in Laos, the Communist Party has an official monopoly of all associational activities. The boundary between state and civil society is often blurred. Civil society is organized into groups by the mass organizations, such as the Women?s Union and the Youth League. This system allows NGOs to easily identify their interlocutors and collaborate with the community. However, the mass organizations also reinforce government control over society. The Accra Agenda for Action encourages government collaboration with civil society organizations, yet lacks an engagement for promoting conditions where these organizations can function as independent development actors.

Secondly, in many cases, in socialist systems, cooperation with the government and conformity to the political climate are definitely necessary for NGOs. But international NGOs need to be sensitive to signals of political change. For example, in China, the Communist Party proposed in 2006 a New Social Management Pattern: Led by Party committees, Managed by Government, Coordinated by Society, and Participated in by the Public. In 2007, the Chinese Communist Party?s report emphasized the importance of Citizenship education, however, no clear guidelines as to the modalities of Citizenship were provided. Therefore, government officials, especially at local level, have been paying close attention to the best practices of NGOs, and see NGOs as potential partners for their work with civil society.

In the third place, NGOs in socialist countries must consider soft ways to push their political and development agenda. Promoting information and communication technologies, for example, can be a soft strategy for fostering civil society development. In this regard, it is crucial for NGOs to constantly question the impact of aid in developing countries. Indeed, issues of aid effectiveness are not simply questions of tools and approaches; they also are economic and political. Yet the Paris Declaration focused on process-oriented elements of governance with the objective to perpetuate political stability. The Accra Agenda for Action opened a new role for NGOs through promoting large and inclusive partnerships in order to promote better ownership. However central questions remained largely unaddressed, such as: which development model do we want to support? What are development priorities?

Alignment and ownership are the two critical principles of the Paris Declaration. But any attempt to improve country ownership and enhance government accountability depends on an educated public within developing countries. A public informed of what development policy is, and how they can shape it, is necessary. Aide et Action?s mission is focused on education in order to empower citizens to participate in policy-making, and take charge of their own development. The next High Level meeting on Aid Effectiveness should take into account the essential role of dialogue and collaboration between civil society and state for real ownership, and to legitimize alignment. Furthermore, the increased role of private aid as an essential complement to Official Development Assistance calls for more reflection on the consequences and modalities of public-private partnerships, including the role of NGOs in social services delivery, especially for health and education.



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